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(This column is based on a chapter in our new book 2010: Take Back America — A Battle Plan.)

As Republicans contemplate their response to President Obama‘s coming nomination to the Supreme Court, we should go beyond the traditional scrutiny over social issues and demand that any nominee elaborate his or her views about the constitutionality of the recent legislation passed by this Administration. The hearings on his nominee will be an ideal opportunity to convince the public of the unconstitutionality of his power grabs.

The Obamacare bill, for example, not only strips states of the right to determine who will get Medicaid coverage within their borders, but it forces the states to pick up part of the tab. This is a violation of the very concept of the Tenth Amendment which provides that “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”

The Medicaid mandate literally takes budgeting and taxing out of the hands of state governments and gives the power to the federal government. About one-third of the difference between the high tax levels in a state like New York (8.5% income tax) and Texas (no income tax) is the difference in their Medicaid eligibility standards. By forcing Texas to come up to New York’s standards — and to pay for part of it — the health care law socks the lawmakers in Austin with a $2.7 billion annual hole in their budget. Effectively, this unfunded mandate takes away from the states the right to determine their own level of taxation for state services.

Obama‘s lawyers justify this outrageous usurpation by claiming that states do not have to participate in the Medicaid program and can opt out entirely. But, the courts have held that when such “voluntary” decisions are so draconian that they are really unrealistic, they amount to coercion. For example, states may not require drug tests for welfare recipients claiming that they do not have to apply for welfare. No state is going to throw all of their elderly nursing home patients out on the street by opting out of Medicaid.

Judge Andrew Napolitano, author of the excellent new book, Lies the Government Told You, warns of the unconstitutionality of the limitation on executive pay contained in the TARP program. He cites the doctrine “against unconstitutional conditions,” arguing that “The government may not condition the acceptance of a governmental benefit on the non-assertion of a constitutional liberty.” Because the freedom of contract is constitutionally protected, the government may not “condition corporate welfare on the prohibition of contracts with employees above an arbitrary salary amount.”

The very foundation of the health care bill — the individual mandate that people have to buy health insurance — is unconstitutional. Clearly, the government would have the authority to tax each person and use the money to provide insurance. But can it make everyone buy a privately provided product from a third party?

The Heritage Foundation thinks not, noting that “an individual mandate to enter into a contract with or buy a particular product from a private party, with tax penalties to enforce it, is unprecedented–not just in scope but in kind–and unconstitutional as a matter of first principles and under any reasonable reading of judicial precedents.”

The Foundation correctly points out that “nowhere in the Constitution is Congress given the power to mandate that an individual enter into a contract with a private party or purchase a good or service and… no decision or present doctrine of the Supreme Court justifies such a claim of power.”

The authors of the Obama Bill say that requiring people to buy health insurance is covered by the constitution’s interstate commerce clause, which allows Congress to regulate a “class of activity.”

But where is the interstate commerce? Congress has refused specifically and repeatedly to allow health insurance companies to compete across state lines. Republicans have been seeking this authority for years as a way to use private competition to hold down costs, but the Democrats have always refused.

And the Heritage Foundation asks a further question: What activity is being regulated? The activity of not buying health insurance? As the foundation notes, “proponents of the individual mandate are contending that, under its power to ‘regulate commerce’ . . . Congress may regulate the doing of nothing at all.” The absurdity of this is clear: “never in this nation’s history has the commerce power been used to require a person who does nothing to engage in economic activity. Therefore, no decision of the Supreme Court has ever upheld such a claim of power.”

Liberals who try to justify the individual mandate to buy health insurance often cite state government requirements that drivers must buy automobile insurance. But this comparison misses two key points: First, that requirement extends only to those who wish to drive, not to every citizen. And, second, states do indeed have broad police powers to act in the interest of the public’s health, safety, and welfare. But Washington doesn’t. Its powers are confined to those enumerated in the Constitution–and, try as they might, it’s hard to find any provision allowing the feds to impose such a requirement on all Americans.

The Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee need to ask Obama‘s nominee to defend the constitutionality of his legislation and use the hearings as a forum to demonstrate how these bills violate not just the letter of the Constitution but the very spirit of federalism and individual freedom.

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When Supreme Court Justices retire, there is usually some pious talk about their “service,” especially when it has been a long “service.” But the careers of all too many of these retiring jurists, including currently retiring Justice John Paul Stevens, have been an enormous disservice to this country.

Justice Stevens was on the High Court for 35 years– more’s the pity, or the disgrace. Justice Stevens voted to sustain racial quotas, created “rights” out of thin air for terrorists, and took away American citizens’ rights to their own homes in the infamous “Kelo” decision of 2005.

The Constitution of the United States says that the government must pay “just compensation” for seizing a citizen’s private property for “public use.” In other words, if the government has to build a reservoir or bridge, and your property is in the way, they can take that property, provided that they pay you its value.

What has happened over the years, however, is that judges have eroded this protection and expanded the government’s power– as they have in other issues. This trend reached its logical extreme in the Supreme Court case of Kelo v. City of New London. This case involved local government officials seizing homes and businesses– not for “public use” as the Constitution specified, but to turn this private property over to other private parties, to build more upscale facilities that would bring in more tax revenues.

Justice John Paul Stevens wrote the Supreme Court opinion that expanded the Constitution’s authorization of seizing private property for “public use” to seizing private property for a “public purpose.” And who would define what a “public purpose” is? Basically, those who were doing the seizing. As Justice Stevens put it, the government authorities’ assessment of a proper “public purpose” was entitled to “great respect” by the courts.

Let’s go back to square one. Just who was this provision of the Constitution supposed to restrict? Answer: government officials. And to whom would Justice Stevens defer: government officials. Why would those who wrote the Constitution waste good ink putting that protection in there, if not to protect citizens from the very government officials to whom Justice Stevens deferred?

John Paul Stevens is a classic example of what has been wrong with too many Republicans‘ appointments to the Supreme Court. The biggest argument in favor of nominating him was that he could be confirmed by the Senate without a fight.

Democratic presidents appoint judges who will push their political agenda from the federal bench, even if that requires stretching and twisting the Constitution to reach their goals.

Republicans too often appoint judges whose confirmation will not require a big fight with the Democrats. You can always avoid a fight by surrendering, and a whole wing of the Republican party has long ago mastered the art of preemptive surrender.

The net result has been a whole string of Republican Justices of the Supreme Court carrying out the Democrats‘ agenda, in disregard of the Constitution. John Paul Stevens has been just one. There may have been some excuse for President Ford’s picking such a man, in order to avoid a fight, at a time when he was an unelected President who came into office in the wake of Richard Nixon’s resignation in disgrace after Watergate, creating lasting damage to the public’s support of the Republicans.

But there was no such excuse for the elder President Bush to appoint David Souter, much less for President Eisenhower, with back-to-back landslide victories at the polls, to inflict William J. Brennan on the country.

In light of these justices’ records, and in view of how long justices remain on the court, nominating such people was close to criminal negligence.

If and when the Republicans return to power in Washington, we can only hope that they remember what got them suddenly and unceremoniously dumped out of power the last time. Basically, it was running as Republicans and then governing as if they were Democrats, running up big deficits, with lots of earmarks and interfering with the market.

But their most lasting damage to the country has been putting people like John Paul Stevens on the Supreme Court.

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